The Berlin Housing Crisis and The Right of First Refusal.

A short film by Michael Grubb, Maria Chotou, Merve Kartal, Reuben Holt (MA Digital Journalism), produced as part of the Media production module with lecturer Patrik Baab.

This short report takes a close look at the current housing crisis in Berlin, taking as its focal point the Vorkaufsrecht (right of first refusal) – a legal mechanism that has been utilized by the different federal states (Bundesländer) to intervene in the sale of apartment buildings. The goal of the Vorkaufsrecht is to protect the socioeconomic diversity of different neighborhoods. 

Berlin is famous for its socioeconomic diversity within the city. Plenty of Berlin areas still retain a sense of community that has been destroyed in many other gentrified European capitals.

The use of the Vorkaufsrecht was recently severely restricted by a ruling of Germany’s highest administrative court leaving many groups of renters in a sort of limbo. This film highlights the situation of renters who are, or were, in the process of organizing themselves so as to be able to utilize the right of first refusal.

The report seeks to establish a portrait of those renters directly affected, and tries to elucidate what this means for the protection of renters’ rights vis-à-vis those institutions that hope to profit from speculation in the Berlin real estate market. 

As with all video productions, it required a lot of background research, interviews, investigations, mapping and (lots of late night) editing.

Here are some images from our production journey and please click on the link at the end to see our report:

All images were taken by members of the production team. 

To watch the full movie click the link below: 

If you want to know more about the Berlin Housing Crisis visit the link of the Deutsche Wohnen Enteignen Campaign:

https://www.darumenteignen.de/en/

Lesbian Couples in Germany Are Waiting For The New Government to Make Good on Its Promise to Reform Parental Rights Laws

The ‘traffic light’ coalition has promised to bring an end to the practice of subjecting same-sex families to an adoption process before the state will recognize both partners as the legal parents of children born into their relationships.

A profile feature by Michael Grubb

On a rainy December evening Emma and Jolanda sit across the dinner table from their daughter Irma. The bubbly two-year-old alternates between enjoying her apple slices and insisting on participating in the conversation, unphased by her underdeveloped sense of grammar and syntax. Her interjections command the attention of the room, her parents nodding affirmingly to the baby babble. She has lots to say and seemingly strongly held opinions – the coherent, adult conversation can only continue once she is satisfied that her point of view has been taken into consideration. 

She is also a dancer, born with an innate appreciation for music, which is a constant feature of the household. An eclectic, tasteful collection of vinyl records occupies a portion of the long wall in their living room. Jolanda throws on an album of classic reggae, and Irma begins to dance almost immediately. A wiggle of her hips, sometimes a tap, or stomp of her feet, hands clapping to the beat. Her dancing is improvised and joyous, and it continues for the entirety of the song that flows through the speakers.

Emma and Jolanda met in 2011 while working at the same institute in Berlin. They are molecular biologists, and at the time were conducting basic research – Emma as a postdoctoral fellow, Jolanda as a PhD candidate. While searching for answers to the fundamental questions of biology, they also found each other. 

Both have since continued to excel professionally. After defending her PhD, Jolanda spent some time in the administration of a prestigious research institution in Berlin, and for the past few years has been working with a software provider that helps laboratory scientists more efficiently manage their resources. 

Emma has reached a level of success as a molecular biologist that very few achieve. Highly awarded and respected in her field, her list of publications in prestigious journals is extensive. The European Research Council now provides the funding that supports the laboratory she oversees.  

It was after the pair purchased and moved into an apartment in Berlin that they began contemplating children. “Once we had a home, we felt that we were ready to start a family,” Emma said.

They decided she should be the first one to carry. “It was clear that Emma wanted to have the first baby, because she is older.”

In the summer of 2019 Emma and Jolanda married. In November of the same year Irma was born. Raising her over the last few years has been a joyous experience, accompanied by the crocodile tears and sleepless nights that all new parents endure. Their non-traditional family has also been treated with respect and acceptance in their community.

However, their most significant source of stress and insecurity has been the fact that until very recently, Jolanda was not Irma’s legal parent.

“We have a marriage for everyone, but it’s not complete,” Jolanda said. “No one that I’ve talked to – even the butcher in my parent’s village, or my 80-something year old aunt, no one has anything against our family. And yet nobody knows that we have to go through this. Everyone is happy with the two of us having a child, but nobody knows that we have to adopt.”

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When homosexual couples decide to start a family, the decision is always explicit. There are no accidents. For lesbian couples becoming pregnant often involves sperm donors and fertility clinics. Health insurers in Germany will cover initial fertility treatments for heterosexual couples, but not for women in same-sex relationships, meaning they must bear the full cost. For many it is prohibitively expensive.Depending on the length of treatment, it can cost anywhere between €10,000-20,000. The process can take years, and the decision to go about it is never taken lightly.  

According to German law, when a child is born to a married lesbian couple, only the woman who gave birth to the child is considered the legal mother. The other woman in the marriage must adopt the child before the state will recognize her as its legal parent. This process is arduous and intrusive, and its outcome is subject to judgements of both the Child Welfare Office and the courts. 

Heterosexual couples, whether married or not, are not subject to such institutional oversight. When a married woman gives birth to a child, the husband is automatically recognized as the legal parent, even if he is not the biological father. For unmarried couples, the woman can simply declare her partner the father. In both cases parental rights are granted with the stroke of a pen on the day the child is born. 

From the day she was born, and for the following two years, Irma had only one legal parent. 

“I was treated nicely by everyone at the hospital,” Jolanda said. She was allowed to be present for the birth. “But I am not mentioned in the birth certificate. I was basically nothing to her legally.”

Childbirth comes with obvious risks, and the laws governing the allocation of parental rights are meant to ensure that a child will be cared for by a second parent in the event of the mother’s death. In Germany, obligations of care and inheritance are predicated upon legally recognized parental relationships. Because parental rights are not allocated to the second partner in a same-sex relationship at the time of a child’s birth, those children come into the world without the legal security afforded to children born into heterosexual relationships. 

This fact was a primary concern for Emma and Jolanda before and after Irma’s birth. Jolanda’s lack of legal status vis-à-vis her daughter restricted her ability to take full responsibility for her, at the pediatrician for example, or in other contexts where important decisions must be made on her behalf. If something had happened to Emma, if she were killed or incapacitated, Jolanda’s right to continue parenting Irma would not have been assured.  

“A woman can die during delivery, and you don’t want a child to be orphaned right away, so you need a second parent,” Julia said. “This should apply to us as well. If Emma had died Irma would have been an orphan. But I’m there! I’m married to Emma! I went through the pregnancy with Emma, I’ve been in Irma’s life from day one. Where is the difference?”

Two German courts, as well as the new German government, would seem to agree. 

Nodoption (a play on the words ‘no’ and ‘adoption’) is a non-profit legal advocacy organization that has helped same-sex families challenge the laws governing parental rights in German courts since 2018. They argue that the law fundamentally discriminates against same-sex couples, and endangers the children born into those relationships. Though most of their initial cases were lost on procedural grounds, they have succeeded in two instances in the past year. 

In March 2021 both the Regional High Court in Celle, Lower Saxony, as well as the Superior Court of Berlin ruled in their favor. 

The law states that only a “man” can be the “father” of a child, thus excluding the possibility of the second parent being a woman (or non-binary person). Both courts ruled that as such it discriminates against same-sex couples. The rulings have been bundled together and sent to Federal Constitutional Court in Karlsruhe, which will decide on the constitutionality of the law. When the case will be heard and decided upon remains to be seen – the process can take many years. 

In a statement given after the ruling of the Superior Court in Berlin, Lucy Chebout, the lawyer who represented the plaintiffs in both cases, called it a historical moment and a clear call to action for the federal legislature. “Two high courts have stood on the side of same-sex families and are supporting them in their fight for equal rights. The legislature should seize the opportunity and finally institute reforms to the laws governing parental rights,” she said. 

If one is to take the newly installed German government at their word, then they intend to do just that. 

The “traffic light” coalition of Socialists, Greens, and Free Democrats included in their governing contract the statement that, “If a child is born into the marriage of two women, both are automatically the legal mothers of the child, as long as no other legal agreements have been made.”

Governing contracts are of course not the law of the land – they simply lay out the intentions of the coalition for the coming legislative period. The former “grand coalition” government of Christian Democrats and Socialists had similar language in the contract they signed in 2018. The effort to turn those promises into legislation never made it to a vote in the Bundestag. 

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The adoption process involves two institutions: The Family Court, and the Child Welfare Office. The party in the marriage who did not birth the child must first petition the court, stating their intention to adopt (a document which in Germany must be produced by a notary), and the party who gave birth to the child must give consent for the adoption to the court (also via a notary).

The court will then ask the Child Welfare Office to make a “judgement” of their situation – it is this part of the process that, for Emma and Jolanda, felt the most intrusive. It means submitting to interviews, the purpose of which are to elucidate deficiencies in one’s character. It means allowing a stranger into your home so that they might scrutinize the setting in which you raise your child, and pry into your routines and methods of parenting.  

They would not be subject to such scrutiny by the state if they were in a heterosexual marriage.

Their adoption process was complicated by two outside factors; the onset of the corona pandemic, and that nine months after Irma was born, they had to move cities. Emma was to start her own research laboratory in Cologne, a move that was in the works even before her pregnancy. The home visit was thus delayed, stretching the entire process out beyond the normal time parameters.

A man from the Child Welfare Office, similar in age to themselves, came to evaluate their home a few months after they moved to Cologne.

“I was nervous, obviously, because I felt like I was being tested. He is coming to judge – based on one visit, during lockdown, after we have moved and are not in our normal environment, wearing masks – if I am a good mother, or potential mother to my child, that I have raised since birth and who he doesn’t know. It feels so shitty.” Jolanda said. 

“You think all kinds of things – should I have her in my arms? What if she doesn’t want to come to me and only wants to go to Emma because of, whatever, and how will he judge me because of it? These things are obviously totally unnecessary to think, but still you do this.”

The Child Welfare Office found them and their home to be suitable to raise their daughter, and in November 2021 the adoption became official. 

This recognition of their family changed little for them in a practical sense. In an emotional sense, it represented the long-awaited end of a journey they felt they shouldn’t have had to be on in the first place. 

 “It has done something to me. I’ve loved Irma always, in ways you can’t express in words, and it hasn’t changed anything in terms of my relationship to her or Emma, but I feel better. I know now that the German state recognizes that legally I am her mother. It’s a big deal, a huge deal.”

The last 16 years of conservative led governance in Germany has meant stagnation in the march towards equality for sexual minorities; Angela Merkel’s government was not explicitly homophobic, but certainly wasn’t ready to expend political capital addressing the issues facing same-sex families. The new government under Olaf Scholz has made it clear they intend on making up for lost time. Whether reform of the laws governing the allocation of parental rights for lesbian couples comes of legislative initiative or is ordered by the highest court in the land remains to be seen. 

“Let’s see how quickly they change the law,” Jolanda said. She is currently pregnant with their second child, a boy. The pace of reform will determine if they once again must ask permission to be recognized as a family.

Strategic Communication Concepts Delivered With a Smile

This winter term, Master students of Public Relations and Digital Marketing at HMKW worked on a strategic communication concept for Amazon in Berlin.

Amazon Development Center Berlin, Germany 

Amazon has been firmly rooted in Germany since 1998. The Company is not only delivering packages to customers throughout Germany, but also research and development in Germany, the largest of them in Berlin. In Berlin alone, more than 2,000 employees have been working since 2011 on artificial intelligence, automated translations or the improvement of services such as Alexa, Audible, Amazon music, or Amazon Web Services (AWS). 

After a briefing by Amazon, the third semester students, under the guidance of HMKW’s Prof. Dr. Christian Möller, spent their semester researching Amazon’s current situation and developing strategic communication concepts for corporate citizenship and outreach activities. Eventually, this week, they had the opportunity  to present their concepts to the Amazon Communication team at one of their offices in Berlin.

Here are some pictures from the presentations: 

  “The concepts and presentations by the students were very professional and highly relevant for our corporate communication work here in Berlin”, Amazon spokesperson Silke Goedereis said. “I was impressed by the student’s ideas, creativity and the maturity of their concepts.”

Master students of Public Relations and Digital Marketing at HMKW

These photographs were taken by Prof. Dr. Christian Möller. 

The Political Limbo of Expats

A feature by Airinë Nuqi

Perched on the white bench of her wooden windows, Dona let out a long sigh, using the silent seconds to shake off an invisible weight off her shoulders and clear her throat. The words ‘voting rights’ brought back memories of her first meeting with the world of politics five years ago. Dona, originally from Spain, is an expat living in Berlin. Repositioning her septum piercing, she says: “Being an expat is similar to being in a state of limbo.”

To understand the position and voting rights of expats living in Germany, the layers of the German government have to be understood first. The german government is divided into: the local municipalities (which consists of officials such as mayors and councils), the federal states (which consists of officials who create the rules of the state) and the cherry at very top of the cake, the federal government (where the decisions made create the laws for the whole country).

In the fall of this year, the German federal election is planned on September 26th. This election’s purpose is to elect the 20th Bundestag. Whether expats can or cannot contribute to the country they reside in, is a divided argument. When it comes to Germany though, what are expat voting rights to begin with? 

Expats do not have the right to vote in, ultimately, the most important elections: the General election (german: Bundeswahlen) and the State elections (german: Landeswahlen). However, they are allowed to vote in the local elections (german: Kommunalwahlen) and EU elections. What does this mean?

In the local elections, taking place every fours to five years, expats can give their vote on most issues concerning the representatives for regional and local subdivisions, except for mayors. However, this right is only reserved for expats from the EU with a German resident permit. Additionally, expats can vote in EU elections, which take place every five years, but they can only vote once. If they give their vote in Germany, they cannot vote again from their home countries.

For expats living and working in Germany, it takes an estimated seven to eight years of residence in the country to be eligible for citizenship. In this time, the integration within not only social, but also working culture becomes an expats way of life. They are affected in the same way as any other person in Germany, who has German citizenship. Yet, they cannot influence state rules or the legislation in place all across Germany with their vote.

As Germany strives to have a relatively equal and varying portrayal of political outlets, there are quite a few political parties that are represented in the federal and European parliament. These include, but are not limited to: the Christlich Demokratische Union Deutschlands (CDU), Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands (SPD), Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), Freie Demokratische Partei (FDP), Die Linke, Die Grünen.

Many expats living in Germany, specifically Berlin, give the city quite a diverse quality. Before she came to Berlin, Dona spent a total of 13 years in the UK. Having left her motherland as a mere preeteen, not having had the chance of being exposed to the world of politics in Spain, her first introduction to the mere concept of voicing political opinions on possible future leaders, happened in the UK. 

More than five years ago, Dona was standing in front of the polls, ready and prepared with her voting decision, when she was turned away. As she was not born, nor an official citizen of the UK, she would not be able to vote. At first, she was baffled. “I told them – What’s the difference between me and someone that was born here, or someone that has also lived here for the same amount of time as I have? My parents and I pay taxes, we contribute to this country, yet we have no voice,” she says in an exasperated laughter. And so, the country where she had become an adult, where she had thought she had the right and had formed the will to contribute with her vote, the country that had shaped her into who she had become, denied her the opportunity of choosing her leaders.

After the first attempt, and as of now the last, Dona had had a moment of clarity: there was no place in the world where she was rooted enough to either be allowed to vote, or to know who to vote for, if she would. A moment which became a clear point of disconnect, especially as she arrived in Berlin. Politics, it seemed, would not be something she “would be involved in,” she stated, throwing her hands in the air and making an X with her forearms.

To get a better understanding of the knowledge expats possess of the little ways available to contribute their voice in Germany, a survey was performed with thirty expat participants. These expats, currently living in four different cities within Germany, span across twenty one nationalities worldwide (Albania, Armenia, Bulgaria, Denmark, France, Germany, Hong Kong, India, Indonesia, Jordan, Kosovo, Lebanon, Mexico, Morocco, Nepal, Spain, Taiwan, Thailand, US, Uzbekistan, Venezuela), between the ages of 20-35, with a Germany living duration from: less than one year, going up to five years.

Through an informing paragraph on Germany’s government layers, and the voting rights expats do and do not have, the participants of the survey were presented with questions including, but not limited to: the desire of participation for the General and State elections should the opportunity present itself, their involvement in politics and their voting exercise in their home countries, long term plans of residence in Germany, feelings on voting as a concept in itself, as well as issues they face living in Germany as an expat.

The survey found that 60% of the participants had never known they were able to cast their vote in local and EU elections, with only 6.7% stating that they had known and actually participated in them. Additionally, 73.3% of the participants stated that they would vote if given the chance, specifically when it comes to influencing issues that they face as an expat in Germany themselves. These issues include: bureaucratic issues, basic human rights, infrastructure related, digitization, social solidarity issues, immigration rights issues, visa / immigration laws, scholarships opportunities for expats, dual citizenship & easier legal immigration, data protection, and racial issues, to name a few.

Finally, when asked if they cared about voting as a concept, the survey participants having chosen ‘Yes’ as their answers (73.3%) and ‘Maybe’ (10%) argued that: it’s a fundamental right, it makes them feel part of the society they are in, it is the only chance of political representation and democratic participation, a society with citizens and a government is “a two way street relationship”, voting is not just a right but a duty, if you don’t participate in the democratic process of voting then “you can’t complain about the outcome”, and finally, that someone has got to make sure the “neonazis dont gain power”. Moreover, 80% of participants stated that they have voted in their home countries, and 83.3% stated they are generally politically interested in their home country.

As a resident of Berlin for more than four years now, Dona has considered the chance to fight for a right to vote. However, Berlin and Germany are not her final destination. Rolling first her left, then her right shoulder, she sighed as she claimed: “I don’t feel I will live here enough to see the changes for which I would be voting for, in case I would indeed express my opinions. Apart from the housing rent cap and signing the pleading document for it, like everyone else of course.”

An argument given by Jonathan, an expat living in Aachen for the last two years, is that although the option to vote in EU elections, and particularly in German local elections is “quite progressive and positive,” it would be “unfair towards the permanent residents” for uninformed people who are most likely only passing through Germany, to vote.

Many expats like Dona and Jonathan might be put off by their own experiences or the lack of certainty in whether they will live in Germany long enough for their voice to matter, however according to the survey, 83.3 % of expats stated that they believe their vote matters, unrelated to how long they have been residents in Germany, 63.3 % stated that, if given the chance, they would vote in General and State elections.

As we go forward, the discussion on whether: sufficient knowledge on politics vs. the existence or obtainment of a citizenship is enough (to be able to vote), may continue, one thing is for certain: as the number of expats around the globe grows, it is not only in Germany’s best interest,  but that of the world, to include educated and willing expat residents, only striving for a better, joined life.

*names have been changed due to privacy concerns

93 Days

A short movie by Asmi Shetty, Prashansa Shreshta, Hala Abdalla and Dine Maria Soto Sanchez (MA PR & Digital Marketing) produced as part of the module Media Productionwith lecturers Jan Dottschadis and Philipp Möller Dorn.

The start of the year 2020 was expected to be the new roaring 20’s of the digital era. The year took a leap into the new world, but within a few months it was brought to a screeching halt when the pandemic began. New rules, strict curfews, and isolation were imposed restricting our movements and human contact. Millions of lives were disrupted and turned upside down – some stories were brought to light while most were left untold. Our film, called 93 days, revolves around one such story. It is the story of a girl, who was separated from her partner for a long duration of time, while also forced to quarantine by herself, away from everyone she knew. In this rapidly changing world, the protagonist tries many things to sustain her sanity, but the pandemic costs her more than she expected.

To watch the short movie, follow the link below:

Crowdfunding Campaign to Save Berlin’s Oldest Cinema

How thousands of people are trying to save Germany’s oldest cinema 

A feature by Annette Nöstlinger

In the midst of Berlin’s – chaotic and diverse – Kreuzkölln neighbourhood, somewhere in between  candle-lit shisha lounges and biergartens upholding the sacred Reinheitsgebot, lies Moviemento Kino. This cinema is Germany’s oldest, the place opened in 1907 and has been operating since.  Now, 113 years later, its managers are fighting for the cinema’s existence as Germany’s largest  private housing company – Deutsche Wohnen – has announced its plan to sell the property for a dazzling  2 Million Euros. However, a bunch of people have stood up to save the cinema and, quite  surprisingly, they actually have a chance to do so.  

Moviemento’s character has always been somewhat different. “It was a constructional curiosum. At  that time, a cinema normally had one room, this one had two. One in front of the screen and one  behind the screen. The people behind the screen thus saw the film the other way around. There was  a mirror next to the screen so the public could read the subheadings. In 1907 there were silent  movies only, so you could really do it like that. In terms of construction technology that, I think,  was unique worldwide”, explains Wulf, who manages Moviemento with his partner since 2007.  

“Apart from a very short time, around the end of the war, when there was nothing left in Berlin, the  cinema has been continuously operating. The other side of the street was completely bombed away,  but by chance nothing fell down here.”  

The cinema’s building lies on the border of Berlin’s Kreuzberg and Neukölln neighbourhoods, a  district known for its vast transformation, from a so-called ‘no-go zone’ in the first decade of this  century, to the place-to-be over the past ten years. Here, one’s senses get sparked constantly; from freshly baked börek to sizzling currywurst, from Berliners arguing over bus delays to international hipsters ordering vegan dishes. The district’s rising popularity has led to ever rising property prices and the displacement of its original population.  

A study conducted by GSG, has shown that the rents for commercial properties in Kreuzberg have  risen by 15.2% every year since 2013. For Wulf, this doesn’t come as a surprise. “Basically, since  we’ve been here, the building has been sold five times. Again and again – zack, zack, zack – always someone new”. Due to Moviemento’s rental contract which runs up until October 2020 the rent was never increased, but now the owners fear they will pay up to five times more if the property is sold for over 2 Million Euros.  

“Last November we encountered a film worthy situation. Two real estate agents entered our foyer  and told us they were selling the cinema rooms. We were like, what?! But yes, they were real and it  was true”. The next day, after the first shock had sunk in, the owners decided to take action immediately.  “In the end we realised that the only chance for places like this is to get them out of this completely crazy real estate market, otherwise they’re gone. And that’s when we thought: we just have to  manage to buy this place.” 

Up to this day, Wulf remains hopeful. “A lot of politicians wanted to talk to us, at the federal level, the  Berlin level and the local level. There are politicians who have spread our call, there are those who  support the crowdfunding campaign and those who called Deutsche Wohnen – obviously – because  they complained about it.” 

Gaby Gottwald, who represents Die Linke in Berlin’s parliament, is one of these politicians. “I have  written to Deutsche Wohnen, to make it clear to them that they will be under constant observation if  they choose to destroy the social infrastructure in our neighbourhoods.” 

After being contacted by countless politicians and journalists, the real estate company called Wulf  to explain that they are not planning to sell the cinema to someone else in the near future. “But I  don’t know whether that’s true, I mean they’re real estate people, only the devil knows what they are  really up to. But at least that’s what they said. Now there is a certain hope for us that we have time  to collect the money.”  

Deutsche Wohnen’s spokesman, Marko Rosteck, confirmed their willingness to cooperate with the owners.  “Because of the media salience, Moviemento became a topic discussed by our board of directors. Now we are looking for a common solution. In the end, for us, the sale of the property is the most important, which can also be achieved by following an alternative path.”

Within Berlin’s public debate on gentrification, Deutsche Wohnen is often seen to represent the great evil. Moviemento, however, actually might have been lucky having to deal with this corporation.  “Deutsche Wohnen won’t be able to break their promise, because of their image, that would just be another PR disaster. So it is actually helpful in these cases, to deal with big German corporations,  instead of a nameless project company based in Luxembourg. If they break a promise, you won’t even find a natural person to hold accountable”, said Jochen Biedermann, Neukölln’s district  councillor.

Over 130,000 Euros have been collected thanks to the support of over 2,300  people, who have donated online through a crowdfunding campaign. However, a discussion – on the crowdfunding platform – broke out, as people are raising  questions about donating money to ensure private ownership. “I don’t understand the logic of this  ‘rescue mission’. You want us to donate our money for private property? Can anyone explain this to  me?”, Hannah comments.  

Wulf admits that ownership will depend on the outcome of the crowdfunding campaign. “We have  never done something like this before, we are still figuring out what forms of ownership could make  sense. The idea will probably be that if we don’t collect enough money on time, we will say: okay,  you can buy one square meter of our building for the official price, namely 3,300 Euros”.  

The Berlinale 2019 – Berlin’s international film festival – had given Moviemento’s crowdfunding campaign a great push. Donation machines could be found all over the festival, where  film lovers could spontaneously – and electronically – donate money to secure the cinema’s cause.  At the start of the festival, a press conference on ‘the Future of Cinemas’ was held in Moviemento’s  cinema rooms, where famous directors such as Tom Tykwer – who owned the cinema in the ’90s and  is known from his productions Lola Run and Perfume – fully supported the crowdfunding campaign.  “Operators of small cinemas enable a movie experience to be harmonious. In ‘film factories’, a  totally different scenario takes place”. To which his colleague, Wim Wenders – known from Himmel  über Berlin – added: “This cinema is one of the last cultural sites we have.”

Homelessness

A podcast by Sonia Chien, Lamyae Lasfar, Volha Khomich, Annette Nöstlinger, and Ole Wetjen (MA Digital Journalism) produced as part of the module Media Production with lecturer Clarisse Cossais.

Berlin is known as one of Europe’s most progressive capitals. That, however, doesn’t mean that everyone is taken care of. Berlin hosts 10.000 homeless people, that’s over 20% of all homeless people in Germany.

Through this audio report, we wanted to find out how one experiences life on the streets of Berlin, what the city is doing to tackle homelessness and which solutions are already there. The report was produced in December 2020, pre-Covid, therefore the impact of the virus on the life of homeless people has not been reported upon.

We talked to Alex, who has lived on the streets for two years now. “What would help me would be entertainment, I need distraction (…) I’m trapped in my head all the time,” he said sitting under a bridge at Wedding’s Hansaplatz, while explaining why he avoids the capital’s shelters.

Every week a group of volunteers – from the organization Berliner Obdachlosenhilfe – gathers in Wedding to provide people with food, clothes, and a warm conversation. We met Alex through the organization and talked to its volunteers who, through their weekly encounters, know the population well and call upon the city to start acting up.

The magazine ‘Arts of the Working Class’ is one of those who have done so. The magazine is sold by homeless people as equal partners. Its online editor, Hallie Frost, explained that the magazine’s goal is to provide people with a wage, instead of being dependent on charity. “Our main goal is to redistribute economic wealth,” she said.

To listen to the podcast, follow the link below:  

When the Sex Stops: Berlin Sex Club goes Digital

A short movie by Airinë Nuqi, Stephen Benkert, and Raf Yengibaryan (MA Digital Journalism) produced as part of the module Media Production with lecturer Patrik Baab.

With the lockdown restrictions in place as preventative measures against the Corona pandemic, sex clubs in Berlin have been forced to adapt in new ways – with an idea on how to open safely in the future. Despite the fact that the State of Berlin has allocated funds to support the clubs, in particular by subsidizing the rent and paying up to 60% of the clubs pre-pandemic income, the difficulties that the nightlife industry is facing now are very challenging and tough. The Berlin Senate allocates about 11 million euros a month to preserve the clubs and the jobs they provide, but what does this mean for such a huge industry like the Berlin nightlife industry?

The famous sex club “Insomnia”, a place where adults, in pre-corona times, came to dance, drink and have fun and of course have sex like all many clubs in Berlin, was also forced to close its doors to visitors in early March 2020. Dominique, the owner of the club, and her team have found a very creative, albeit not very optimal solution to alleviate financial difficulties and try to keep the insomnia sex club in business. In addition to regular weekend streams, where techno sounds and a limited number of people dance live, the club team also decided to bring sex itself to the screens of their visitors and earn income from it. Despite this temporary solution, Dominique, like all representatives of the night industry, is very hopeful for another solution – rapid testing.

Our group met with the club owner, Dominique, through connections, and we were able to conduct a sight seeing of the club the same day. Following this, we visited the club to witness and record one of their streaming nights, as well as interview the owner of the club, tech support and a performer. In addition to this, our team managed to talk to a representative from the Club Commission, who gave us more insight into the current survival strategy of some Berlin nightclubs.

To watch the short movie, follow the link below: